Changes in Operations are Needed for Future Threats and Terrorism in th

Threats and terrorism will always exist and are constantly evolving. Even after the dreadful 9/11 attacks, terrorists remain diligent at planning attacks against the United States and its allies. Although not on the same scale as the 9/11 attacks, terrorists have successfully executed plots in the United States, the United Kingdom and France. For example, on April 15, 2013, an attack at the Boston Marathon occurred, killing three people and injuring 264 individuals. In the United Kingdom, on 7 July 2005, the London bombing incidents took place. Fifty-two individuals were killed and 700 were injured. On 7 January 2015, there was a mass shooting at the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo office in Paris. On 13 November 2015, terrorists have successfully executed the single deadliest terrorist attack in French history. Multiple shooting and grenade attacks occurred on a Friday night; among the locations targeted were a music venue, sports stadium and an ethnic restaurant. This very s hort list does not take into account the U.S., U.K. and French citizens which fall victim to the endless series of beheadings and bombing in the Middle East. No matter the type of attack or the number of casualties, terrorist activities continue have a great effect on the U.S. and its allies. Transnational crimes are constant issues as well. Transnational crimes can be terrorism, drug, weapon, and human trafficking, smuggling of goods, and cyber crimes. Adversaries in foreign nations also commit corporate espionage and implant computer viruses by infiltrating the nation’s network systems. All of these crimes affect the U.S.; therefore, it is important that law enforcement and intelligence agencies work together to limit the amount of crimes and... ...atu, S., & Fainisi, F. (2011). INTERNATIONAL CYBER SECURITY THROUGH CO-OPERATION. Economics, Management and Financial Markets, 6(2), 438-448. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com.proxy1.ncu.edu/docview/884338908?accountid=28180 Rascoff, S. J. (2010). The law of homegrown (counter)terrorism. Texas Law Review, 88(7), 1715-1749. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com.proxy1.ncu.edu/docview/722437512?accoun tid=28180 Rosen, N. (2006). Thinking like a jihadist: Iraq's jordanian connection. World Policy Journal, 23(1), 1-16. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com.proxy1.ncu.edu/docview/232587503?accountid=28180 Tokatlian, J. G. (2008). A new doctrine of insecurity? U.S. military deployment in South America. NACLA Report on the Americas, 41(5), 6-10. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com.proxy1.ncu.edu/docview/202714393?accountid=28180

Hemingways The Sun Also Rises Essay examples -- Hemingway Sun Also Ri

Hemingway's The Sun Also Rises Hemingway sat down to write The Sun Also Rises on September 15,1925 and only six days later, the first draft was complete with the title of Fiesta. The first draft was almost a direct journalistic account of his experience in Paris and Spain, with the names of the characters corresponding to real people. After taking a break from it and writing The Torrents of Spring in order to break his contract with publisher Horace Liverwright, Hemingway returned to his first draft of The Sun Also Rises, making major changes including editing out the first two chapters and changing the order of the book to a straight chronology, and changing the names of the characters. In mid-October, 1926, his book reaached the bookstores after being published by Scribners and by Christmas, it was into its third printing. (Svoboda, 3) Because The Sun Also Rises was Hemingway’s first novel, after making a promising entrance as a new author with In Our Time, it was reviewed critically by professionals and the general public. Although critics generally praised it as a book of â€Å"remarkable stature† (Svoboda 3), the shocking nature of the subject matter was probably the most determining factor in its bad reviews at that time. Hemingway presented a world of the post-war generation full of drinking, profanity, lack of moral values, sexual promiscuity, and lack of religious faith. (Reynolds 9) The intensity of the subject matter took many by surprise and was condemned, especially by the older generation of the 1920s: â€Å"The characters are a group of English and American young people who frequent the Paris quarter. They have been too strongly dosed with the more unpleasant kinds of reality...† (qtd. in... ... The Sun Also Rises, including historical background and the different aspects of Hemingway’s writing style. He includes a wide range of outside sources, primary and secondary, in order to give a more comprehensive understanding of Hemingway’s work during the time it was published. http://www.hemingwaysociety.org/virthem.htm This website offered many useful links to articles, biographies, and websites for Ernest Hemingway. Under â€Å"virtual Hemingway,† I was able to found very useful links to articles I could use in my report. http://www.nytimes.com/books/99/07/11/specials/hemingway-main.html This website was an excellent source with a compilation of articles and critical essays from the New York Times on Ernest Hemingway. It offered the most essential reviews of Hemingway as well as accurate background information and pictures.

Social Influence Research - Do the Ends Justify the Means? Essay

Social Influence Research - Do the Ends Justify the Means? To what extent does the importance of social influence research, justify the methods used in its investigation? The debate about ethics in psychology focuses on two areas: protection of participants and benefiting society. This is a double obligation dilemma as if some psychologists are not allowed to do certain experiments because of ethical restraints; this can cause problems with validity. In social psychology, these psychologists have an obligation to use their research skills to advance our knowledge of human behaviour, for the ultimate aim of human betterment. Milgram’s study into obedience involved participants becoming a ‘teacher’ and applying an electric shock to the ‘learner’ (who was a confederate) when they answered a word association question incorrectly. The participant was not aware that the shocks they administered were false and some believed they may have killed a man. In this instance therefore, the code of conduct and ethical guidelines published by the British Psychological Society (BPS) and American Psychological Society (APS) in 1993 were broken in more than one way. The participants’ right to withdraw was disabled as the prods given by the experimenter (such as â€Å"please continue† etc) made the participants feel that they had no choice but to continue. The were also involved in deception as they thought they had administered real shocks and were not informed of the confederate being present. This study, however, was conducted in the 1950’s and the ethical guidelines were not in position and therefore this study may be published in modern day t... ...very case. For example, there was only one prisoner who tried to resist and went on a hunger strike. When he was put into solitary confinement the others were allowed to release him by means of giving up their blankets. They refused. They saw they situation as every man for themselves. Another benefit to society was also the impression this experiment left on the prison system in America at the time, and some aspects of this were changed as a result. Therefore in conclusion, in these two experiments alone, the unethical methods used can be justified as they have helped to profit humanity by providing insight into how humans behave when put into certain social situations. Without these ethical guidelines being broken, both experiments would have lacked ecological validity and the results would not be legitimate.

Critical Review My Place

CRITICAL REVIEW: MY PLACE, SALLY MORGAN Sally Morgan's My Place, published in 1987, is an autobiography about finding her Aboriginal roots and her identity with the focus on the lives of three generations of Australian Aborigines. Sally’s family never talked about their past and she was brought up thinking she was Indian. But she always felt different than her friends, their way of living was not the same, so her curiosity led her to realizing that she is Aborigine. And then her quest for knowledge of her past begins. My Place is actually a novel about woman’s search to find herself and her place in Australian society. The main themes are discrimination, racism and Aboriginal culture. They are presented through two different versions of autobiographical writing. One is Sally’s first person narration, which is more Western autobiographical and it focuses more on her individual quest to find her identity. The other focuses on the Aboriginal life and more on the community and family life of Aborigines. The novel has 32 chapters, which are divided into four parts: Sally’s narration about her early life, education, family relationship, her perception of herself and her self-discovery; Arthur Corunna’s story, he is a brother of Sally’s grandmother; her mother’s Glady’s story and her grandmother Daisy’s story. Their stories focus on their life when they lived in Aboriginal society. The whole book is a combination of narration, dialogues, descriptions, stories within stories, anecdotes, and personal reminiscences from various characters and also humour. All that provides balance and harmony to the book. The book is easy to read, the language is quite simple, descriptions of the nature are really specific and with the use of metaphors, symbolism and personification, the reader gets a vivid picture of the place that is described. However the first part, where Sally describes her childhood is a little bit boring, because there are mostly descriptions and details about things not relevant to the theme of the book. But when she starts to investigate her family roots with her constant attempt to get some answers from her mother and grandmother, the book becomes more interesting. The parts where her family talks about their life are very emotional, the reader gets an insight into their hard life as being black in the â€Å"white world†. Before Sally’s book, not much was known about the Aboriginal life. She writes about the contact of two different cultures, Aboriginal and Western, so we get in touch with their history, their habits, way of thinking, historical background, injustice and struggles they had to fight. Other people always treated them as something less and because all the bad things that happened to them, they decided not to speak about it, they were forced to be silent. There are still a lot of secrets, that are not revealed in the book, because they are too afraid to speak about them, but we get to know some important information about their past from the people who wrote history on their own skin. So this is a really important book for Australian and Aboriginal culture, because it opens some important questions about racism and discrimination. ANA FURLAN

Chapter 20 – Neurofinance

20. 1 INTRODUCTION In this book we have argued that cognition and emotion are powerful influences on people’s decisions. Traders are, of course, no different. This chapter begins by considering what we know about what sets a successful trader apart from other people. We have all contemplated the oft-debated question of nature versus nurture in explaining whether a person thrives or fails. In this final chapter, we further investigate where choices come from. The evidence suggests that there are both environmental and biological foundations. The chapter begins in Section 20. with a discussion of expertise, namely, what makes a skillful trader? Cognitive skills are honed through practice and repetition, but emotion also has a significant role. Next, in Section 20. 3, we turn to the emerging field of neurofinance. Using imaging technology, researchers are contributing to our understanding of how people make decisions. In Section 20. 4, we describe some of the insights recently pr ovided by neurofinance researchers. These researchers have found that cognition and emotion have complementary effects. Traders whose emotions appear to be in balance perform the best.Uncertainty and risk are experienced differently by our brains, as are gains versus losses and risk versus return. The chapter concludes in Section 20. 5 with some practical advice. 20. 2 EXPERTISE AND IMPLICIT LEARNING Consider the following situation. You are at a large concert and run into a good friend, Molly. Of course, you recognize her face immediately. Now think about this. What if, instead, you know Molly is at the concert but is seated across the venue. The friend you came to the concert with, Amy, is going to look for Molly, but the two have never met.You do your best at describing Molly to Amy. What’s the chance that Amy will be able to identify Molly among thousands of concert goers? Not too likely. Much of what we know we cannot describe in words. A face is a very complex thing, an d we simply do not have enough words to explicitly describe one particular person very accurately. Language is categorical, whereas the distinguishing features of two similar faces may be fuzzy. Some cognitive scientists assert that people have knowledge that they cannot verbalize, referred to as implicit learning or tacit knowledge.Brett Steenbarger argues that traders also have information about markets that they cannot adequately describe in words. Like a human face, markets are probably more complex than the language we have to describe them. Does this mean we need a finer grid with which to describe markets? Or, does this view suggest that we need to better understand how traders make decisions? Excellence in most fields requires expertise. How do we define expertise? Usually we think in terms of relative performance so that those at the top of their game are considered to be the experts.Because of tacit knowledge, an expert chess player or pro football player often knows insti nctively what the best move is, perhaps without any cognitive evaluation whatsoever. Recall in our discussion of the foundations of emotion in Chapter 7 that psychologists believe that emotions can develop completely independently from cognition. In other words, you can feel fear without first cognitively recognizing what is making you fearful. While observing a market, a trader may instinctively know the move he wants to make.Steenbarger notes that in many instances traders will make similar buy or sell decisions and then, ex post, provide very different descriptions of the information that led to the decision. The traders saw the same information, acted the same way, but understood their behavior quite differently. Perhaps a trader makes a decision based on instinct with no preceding cognitive evaluation. Afterward, the trader generates an explanation that is cognitively consistent with his expectations. Steenbarger argues that â€Å"the successful trader feels the market but doe s not become lost in those feelings. Studies of expert athletic performers have reached similar conclusions. For example, one study argues that â€Å"emotions, and the capability to regulate them effectively, arguably account for a large portion of the variance in athletic performance. † In the trading domain, an expert trader often has a gut feeling about a particular situation but remains in control by taking careful, deliberate action. Does this mean that trading expertise is innate and cannot be learned? Reading the information in a market could be like understanding a social interaction. Some people are just better at it than others.While some level of innate ability is probably requisite, the evidence suggests that expertise is finely honed. Not too many of us would believe that a professional quarterback spent his teen and early adult years watching football on television while sitting on the couch eating chips. Knowing the rules of a game does not make you good at the game. Practice and repetition are common ingredients across successful experts. For example, accomplished violinists spend, on average, 10,000 hours practicing. Successful traders also devote a lot of time to practice.This practice gives them the ability to connect what they know about a market to the action they should take. Through implicit learning they are able to make better and more efficient decisions. A day trader who spends hours, or even minutes, evaluating a current market circumstance before making a trading decision will certainly find it difficult to succeed. 20. 3 NEUROFINANCE While we know that practice is necessary to hone any skill, unlocking the mysteries of the brain is an important key to understanding how to promote the development of expertise in any realm, including investing.Are evolutionary theorists correct in their contention that our basic emotions have evolved to promote the survival of the species as we discussed in Chapter 7? Do expert performers hav e innate characteristics, or can anyone develop expertise in trading? Neurofinance and neuroeconomics use neurotechnology to examine how the brain behaves while a person is making financial and economic decisions. In these new and growing fields, results from economics, finance, psychology, and neuroscience provide the basis for further investigation.Neuroscience uses brain imaging, as we described in Chapter 7, to understand brain activity and how the brain works. With this technology, scientists can actually measure emotional response. The potential of the technology has not gone unnoticed by practitioners. In fact, Jason Zweig, senior writer for Money magazine and guest columnist for Time magazine and cnn. com writes: I’ve been a financial journalist since 1987, and nothing I’ve ever learned about investing has excited me more than the spectacular findings emerging form the study of â€Å"neuroeconomics. Thanks to this newborn field †¦ we can begin to understa nd what drives investing behavior not only on the theoretical or practical level, but as a basic biological function. These flashes of fundamental insight will enable you to see as never before what makes you tick as an investor. Investors who better understand â€Å"what makes them tick† will be better prepared to make good investment decisions. It is important to understand that neuroscience is not simply interested in mapping out parts of the brain. Instead, by looking at how the brain reacts during various activities, scientists can understand how the brain functions and solves problems.We will better understand the mix of cognitive processing and emotional responses. Which responses are controlled and which are automatic responses? These insights will allow economic theorists to improve models of decision-making, as well as investor education efforts. Recall from our earlier discussion of the brain that automatic and controlled responses are associated with different par ts of the brain. Automatic responses often stimulate the amygdala, whereas controlled responses activate the forebrain (or prefrontal cortex). Using imaging technology, scientists can observe the areas of the brain that are activated during a task.In Chapter 7 we also talked about Damasio’s studies of the behavior of brain-damaged patients. The patients were emotionally flat due to frontal brain lobe damage, and Damasio concluded that decision-making and emotion are intertwined. Though studies of braindamaged patients can be informative, brain imaging technology allows more control so that research can be conducted with greater precision. Neuroscientists are making great progress on brain function, and, as a result, researchers are proposing new models and theories that better incorporate aspects of psychology, including emotion. 0. 4 INSIGHTS FROM NEUROFINANCE Neuroscientists have investigated a variety of questions related to financial decision-making. Several studies have lent insight into the forces of emotion on trading by studying the physiological characteristics of professional securities traders while they were actively engaged in live trading. In one study significant correlations between market movements and physiological characteristics such as skin conductance and cardiovascular data were reported. Differences were also detected across traders, perhaps related to trading experience.Another study looked at whether emotion was found to be an important determinant of a trader’s ability to succeed in financial markets. It was found that those whose reaction to gains and losses was most intense had the worst trading performance, suggesting the obvious need for balanced emotions. Brain imaging has been used as experimental participants have made risky choices. This research indicates that how gains and losses are both anticipated and realized is likely to differ inasmuch as different regions of the brain are activated.When gains are antici pated, a subcortical region known as the nucleus accumbens (NAcc) becomes active. This region is rich in dopamine, a substance that has been associated with both the positive affect of monetary rewards and addictive drug use. The fact that this region is only active during anticipated gains (but not losses) lends plausibility to the differential experiencing of gains and losses in prospect theory. Other brain imaging research indicates that what might lie behind ambiguity aversion is the fact that risk and uncertainty are experienced in different ways.Recall in Chapter 1 where we discussed the distinction between risk and uncertainty. With a risky choice, the person can assess the probability of the outcomes, but under uncertainty the probabilities are unknown. The distinction is important here because the brain may evaluate a choice in a risky situation differently from a choice when one faces uncertainty. Research indicates that when facing uncertainty the most active regions were the orbitofrontal cortex (a region integrating emotion and cognition) and the amygdala (a region central to emotional reaction).In contrast, when facing risk, the brain areas that responded during their task were typically in the parietal lobes so that the researchers concluded that choices in this setting were driven by cognitive factors. In sum, uncertainty appears to be more strongly associated with an emotional response, while risk leads to a cognitive reaction. It has been suggested that when times becomes more uncertain (for example in 2008, as was described in Chapter 14), the inability of investors to properly assess the distribution of future returns leads to their moving from rational deliberation to a primarily emotional response.The result could be widespread unwillingness to hold risky assets in turbulent markets, a tendency that can only exacerbate market declines. A neural test of myopic loss aversion has also been conducted. A group of patients with brain lesions on areas known to be associated with the processing of emotions were compared to a control group. The former group was significantly more likely to take on risk than the control group. Further, the lesion group exhibited greater consistency in their levels of risk aversion. In other words, those with a reduced capacity for fearful responses behaved in a manner more in line with expected utility theory.Another study focused on how decision-makers’ brains reacted to varying levels of risk, rather than on learning or expected values. Using a gambling game, expected values and risk were varied while participants’ brain activation was monitored. As is typical in finance, rewards were measured using expected payoffs and risk using the variance of payoffs. Interestingly, the researchers report that brain activation varied in both time and location for reward and risk. Brain activation in response to rewards was immediate, whereas brain activation in response to risk was delayed .Time and location of activation is important because if we can separate the effects of risk and reward in the brain, researchers can further investigate how changes in risk perception affect decision-making. For example, they could examine how misperception of risk and cognitive difficulties contribute to less-than-optimal behavior. 20. 5 EXPERTISE AND EMOTION Research indicates that understanding neural responses will help us to gain insight into some of the puzzles we have talked about in this book. In addition, there are important implications for trader education.We are all familiar with the old adage that â€Å"practice makes perfect. † In order to gain expertise, it is important to know the rules of the game, so reading up on investing is not a bad idea. But, at the same time, much practice through many simulations under divergent market conditions will promote better decision-making while trading. But, does it pay to become an expert? While we know that many long hour s of studying and practice are required, is this effort sufficiently rewarded? There is evidence that this question can be answered in the affirmative for financial practitioners.One researcher constructed a â€Å"differential reward index† as the income for a specified percentile divided by the median income for each occupation. This measure allows us to differentiate high average income from high income for those whose expertise is greatest in a particular profession. For financial and business advisors, including stock brokers, earnings are related closely to achievement. At the 90th percentile the differential reward index was 3. 5, indicating that the top 10% earned 3. 5 times more than the median income level.In fact, this was the largest observed value for the differential reward index across all occupations studied! Thus the evidence suggests that the benefit of becoming a skilled financial advisor may far exceed the cost. So how can one become an expert? Researchers have concluded that tacit knowledge is an important predictor of success in business as measured by salary, rank, and the level of one’s company (e. g. , whether it is among the top 500 in the Fortune rankings). Practical knowledge, or the ability to gain tacit knowledge and turn it into a good strategy, is a function of a person’s environment and ability.Thus, with a certain level of competence, hard work can be translated into success. A successful trader, nonetheless, should always remember that emotion is critical to the outcome. We have argued throughout this book that emotion can enhance decision-making. Previously cited evidence suggested, however, that traders are advised to be wary of intense emotional reactions. Another recent study used neuroimaging to examine how decision-makers’ brains responded while playing the ultimatum game described in Chapter 11.When unfair offers were rejected by the responders, the investigators reported significant increase s in brain activity in the anterior insula, a brain area associated with emotion. Recall that even offers that are viewed as unfair should be accepted by a responder who cares only about increasing her earnings. Thus, traders are advised to exert their cognitive skills when experiencing a strong emotional reaction in order to overcome the tendency to react emotionally, just as a responder in the ultimatum game who is aware of his emotional response is well advised to accept an offer even if it seems unfair.Emotional responses and cognitive evaluations of risk can be quite different. Think about how many people perceive the risks of automobile and airplane accidents. Though riding in an automobile has been shown to be the less safe alternative, often an emotional response plays the dominant role, which may keep some people off airplanes. CHAPTER HIGHLIGHTS 1. Expertise is defined in terms of relative performance so that those at the top of their game are considered to be the experts. 2. Implicit learning reflects knowledge that cannot be described using language. 3.Experts have developed implicit knowledge that enhances performance in their particular domain. 4. Neurofinance uses brain imaging technology and results from economics, finance, and psychology to better understand how the brain works. 5. Physiological differences exist across professional traders, and emotion is an important determinant of a trader’s ability. 6. Measured brain responses to changes in risk and reward vary in both location and time of activation. 7. Practice is necessary to excel in trading, and good traders may make decisions based on gut feelings, while at the same time ensuring that they control their emotional responses.

Hammer Wines Business Report Essay

Introduction Colin Hammer, after arranging an independent review, has found that many of his employees have been avoiding work and other responsibilities by searching the Internet for non-work related amusements. This act is known as cyber slacking and it is said to cost companies billions of dollars each year and often results in managers blocking or limiting access to certain websites. Concerned for productivity, this report will outline the current usage and array of sites potentially being used by the Hammer Wines employees. The sites include those for entertainment or work purposes, and restrictions based on these findings should be implemented. These restrictions must be forever changing and expanding, as each website has a different effect on the varying departments its respective employees. These modifications will also affect the productivity of Hammer Wines and will be discussed in the report by making an â€Å"internet use† policy. Findings Department Spending Most Time on the Internet Cyberslacking is a prominent occurrence amongst the Hammer Wines employees. However, of all employees, the Receptionists spent the longest time on the Internet throughout the one-week trial (see figure 1.0 below). This may or may not be detrimental to Hammer Wines. Often, receptionists complete their work before their set time, meaning that if they’re browsing the Internet, still answering their phone and have completed required work, productivity will remain normal. Studies also show productivity can increase when employees are less restricted with the Internet. This productivity can swing both ways. Negative productivity will be detrimental to Hammer Wines if the receptionist fails to multitask and therefore ineffectively completes required jobs. Internet Productivity and Cyberslacking From the array of websites (see figure 1.1 below) it is difficult to tell if Cyberslacking is present at Hammer Wines. This is because many websites, such as facebook.com and twitter.com, are huge social marketing websites, but can also used as a cost effective methods for company awareness and advertising. These sites, however, can also be misused for personal use. Unless the employee is caught directly misusing these sites, it is hard to tell weather they are cyberslacking or not. Facebook.com is one example of Cyberslacking. It is Hammer Wines’ second most visited Internet site, being used by Sales and Marketing, Reception, Manufacturing and Distribution, Human Resources @ Training and IT Services. Sales and Marketing are the only employees likely to need the site for work purposes. For all other departments, employees must use Facebook.com for personal interests. Websites, including deals.com are often used for both work and leisure. Reception, Human Resources @ Training, Manufacturing and Distribution, Sales and Marketing are all using this site. Assumptions cannot be made in relation to website use. Human Resources @ Training, Manufacturing and Distributing, and Sales and Marketing departments all have valid work-related grounds to use Deals.com, as it is great for promotional and comparative purposes. IT Services were found to be using Games.com. A total of 120 minutes was recorded throughout the week. This is a website purely dedicated to fun and games. This is the seventh most used website recorded. Although it is only a small fraction of the Internet usage, it is clear that productivity has decreased in the IT department, and through the given statistics, Cyberslacking is present. Similarly, Tatts.com was used by the Sales and Marketing department, for up to 80 minutes throughout the recorded week. Tatts.com is a betting website and has nothing to do with the Sales and Marketing of Hammer Wines. However, productivity can be increased in the workplace, with employees having some freedom on the Internet. The use of social media and other personal websites can release stress and tension, thus not wholly being to the determent of Hammer Wines. Conclusion Hammer Wines has a vast array of websites being used by employees for both personal and work use. Cyberslacking is present amongst all employees, with websites aimed at socialization and productivity which both highly used. This, however, is hard to monitor as some sites – such as Facebook.com or Deals.com – are used in the companies Sales and Marketing department, but also used in recreational down time by most, if not all, other departments. It is important for Hammer Wines to implement a strategy to monitor all Internet usage. Receptionist work productivity remained high in correlation to time spent on internet, however, it was obvious the Cyberslacking was overruling the IT department, as they spent 120 hours over the duration of the week on a games and entertainment website. Solution Internet Use Policy Hammer Wines should enforce an â€Å"Internet User Policy† in the employees contract, defining the terms of use for recreational Internet. Any employee found misusing the Internet for purposes strictly other than work, may lead to disciplinary action, and their position at the company may be compromised. Blocking Sites Permanently blocking all Internet sites at Hammer Wines could result in a drop in productivity. Alternatively, a system that allows employees to have an allocated time throughout the day, to specifically visit sites such as Facebook.com and Twitter.com will allow staff members to have high productivity through compromise and strategy. One example of strategic blocking is unblocking all websites for 15 minutes every 3 hours, enabling employees to use restricted sites that coincide with structured break times (lunch, snack and end-of-day). A second option for Hammer Wines is to block all websites, only allowing those who hold a position of authority (manager) or employee that has spoken to someone in a position of authority, to get a specific code to access a blocked website. This code then unblocks all sites and remains unblocked until the page is exited. This could be implemented when departments wish to use sites such as Facebook.com for marketing or promotional purposes.

Feminist Language Planning Essay

1 Feminism and language There is no doubt that feminism has been and continues to be one of the main social movements of this century. Its impact is felt in many societies around the world and in many spheres of life. The women’s or feminist movement strives, amongst other things, for the elimination of gender discrimination and for the greater recognition of women’s contributions to society as well as aims to change many cultural and social practices which perpetuate patriarchal value systems. Language was and is seen by many feminists as a powerful instrument of patriarchy: for example, the feminist Dale Spender, spoke of the English language as being ‘manmade’ and as being an important contributor to women’s oppression (Spender 1980). It is therefore not surprising that language and discourse practices were and are subjected to feminist scrutiny, often leading to elaborate and detailed descriptions of sexist practices affecting language use. 2. Feminism and linguistic re form Feminists, at least in western societies, also expressed a desire to change the patriarchal and sexist ‘nature’ of language and therefore engaged in various types of linguistic reform or language planning. Although many feminists shared the belief that changing linguistic and discourse practices is an important element in women’s liberation, this did not result in a uniform approach to linguistic reform (see e.g. Pauwels 1998). The social, cultural, political and philosophical diversity which characterizes members of the feminist movement is also reflected in the approaches to and aims for feminist language reform. For example, not all forms of feminism, interpret women’s liberation as a question of achieving mere equality of the sexes. Similarly, not all linguistic reform proposals have as their main aim the achievement of linguistic equality of the sexes. Some reform initiatives primarily aim at exposing the sexist nature of ‘patriarchal’ lan guage by causing linguistic disruptions. The strategies used to achieve linguistic disruption frequently involve experimentation and creativity with all parts of speech. The word ‘herstory’ to refer to history which is not only about men, is an example of linguistic disruption: a morphological boundary has been reconstituted to + on semantic grounds. Creating a women-centred language capable of expressing reality from a female perspective is another prominent objective of some forms of feminist language planning. Proposed changes range from the creation of new women-centred meanings for words like ‘witch’, ‘hag’ and neologisms such as ‘malestream’, ‘femocrat’, graphemic innovations including ‘womyn’ or ‘wimmin’ and ‘LehrerIn’ (German), to developing women-focussed discourses and even creating an entirely new language. An example of the latter is the LÃ ¡adan language created by the science-fiction writer and linguist, Suzette Haden Elgin ‘for the specific purpose of expressing the perceptions of women’ (Elgin 1988:1). Despite this diversity in reform initiatives and objectives for feminist language planning, it is the ‘linguistic equality of the sexes’ approach which has become synonymous with feminist language planning in the eyes of the wider community. This is in part due to the prominence of liberal feminist approaches in the public arena which focus on achieving sex/gender equality. Linguistic discrimination is seen as a form of sex discrimination which can be addressed in ways similar to other forms of sex discrimination (e.g. in employment). In fact the question of gender bias in occupational nomenclature is directly linked to gender discrimination in the employment arena. The prominence of the linguistic equality approach is also due to the media’s attenti on to non-sexist language guidelines, the main instrument of promoting this type of feminist language reform. Advocates of the linguistic equality approach use the strategies of gender-neutralisation (sometimes gender abstraction) and/or gender-specification (feminisation) to attain their goal of creating a language system which allows for a balanced representation of the sexes. Gender-neutralisation involves minimising or eliminating gender-specific expressions and constructions. It entails ‘that any morphosyntactic and lexical features marking human agent nouns and pronouns (or other parts of speech) as masculine or feminine are ‘neutralised’ for gender, especially in generic contexts’ (Pauwels 1998: 109). Examples for English include the elimination of gender-suffixes of -ess, -ette, -(tr)ix in relation to human agent nouns (e.g. hostess, aviatrix, usherette), the creation of compound nouns involving -person (e.g. chairperson, tradesperson), and the avoidance of generic ‘he’. Gender-specification (also known as feminisation) is a strategy used to achieve linguistic equality by making the ‘invisible sex’ (in most cases, women) visible in language through systematic and symmetrical marking of gender. Although English does not use this strategy much (it is found more often in languages with grammatical gender), the use of ‘he or she’, and of phrases such as ‘police women and men’, ‘actors and actresses’ in generic contexts exemplifies the gender-specification strategy. Underlying the linguistic equality approach to reform is a belief that making changes to linguistic forms will contribute significantly to the promotion of non-sexist meanings. 3 Evaluating feminist linguistic reform In the previous section I indicated that there are several approaches to feminist language reform and that the linguistic equality approach is the most prominent and possibly, the most widespread one. In this paper my focus is on the evaluation of the linguistic equality approach. Evaluating the outcome (a result or an effect of an action) is a crucial aspect of any form of language planning. Language planners together with the interest groups, agencies or institutions which encouraged, demanded or sanctioned (allowed) the reforms are usually keen to assess the impact of planning on the linguistic behaviour of the individuals, groups or communities targeted by the reforms. Whereas advocates and/or opponents of linguistic reform are primarily interested in the extent to which the linguistic reform proposals have been adopted or rejected, for language planners the evaluation exercise also provides valuable information on the process of language planning, the factors which facilitate an d/or obstruct change. A further interest for language planners who are also linguistic scholars is the possibility of comparing the process of the spread of so-called ‘planned’ vs ‘unplanned’ linguistic change thus contributing to a better understanding of linguistic change. Here I wish to explore two major aspects of the evaluation of feminist language planning: (1) Evidence of the (successful) adoption of feminist linguistic proposals; (2) Insights into the ways feminist language changes spread throughout the community. The adoption and spread of feminist linguistic reform are examined in relation to a prominent feature of feminist linguistic reform of the ‘linguistic equality’ type: the use of gender-neutral and/or gender-inclusive occupational nouns and titles. Data for this discussion come mainly from English, although reference is also made to Dutch, French and German studies. The discussion of linguistic spread is very preliminary as most data have not yet been subjected to a thorough analysis: i.e. only trends will be noted. 4 Adopting feminist linguistic reform: success or failure? 4.1 Occupational nomenclature In many western societies feminist concerns about gender bias in occupational nouns, professional titles and terms attracted attention primarily through its link with Sex Discrimination Acts and other legislation aimed at eliminating gender-based discrimination in employment. Feminists and women activists in a range of professional bodies highlighted the fact that occupational and professional nomenclature used in employment-related contexts displayed bias in favour of men leading to women’s invisibility in this area of language use. For example, linguistic practices found in many job classifieds assumed applicants to be male. Male-stereotyped language was used to describe applicants (e.g. aggressive, dynamic, virile). The use of ‘masculine’ generic nouns and pronouns (e.g. the applicant – he; storeman, tradesman, cameraman – he) further reinforced the ‘maleness’ of the desired applicant. Research in the 1970s and 1980s (e.g. Bem & Bem 1973, Hamilton 1988, Kidd 1971, Mackay & Fulkerson 1979, Martyna 1978, Pincus & Pincus 1980, Schneider and Hacker 1973, Wilson & Ng 1988) found evidence that masculine generic nouns and pronouns were seldom interpreted in a generic, gender-neutral sense. Instead they were associated with male-specific images in many language users. Two major strategies emerged to eliminate this gender bias in occupational nomenclature: gender-neutralisation and gender-specification (feminisation). Selecting one strategy over another seems partly linked to linguistic typology. Gender-specification as a main strategy is more likely to occur in the case of grammatical gender languages (e.g. German, French, Italian, Spanish) which still have productive gender suffixes (e.g. German). Gender-neutralisation is more likely to be applied to languages with a natural gender system (e.g. English) or languages in which gender suffixes are less or no longer productive (e.g. Danish, Swedish and Dutch). However, the choice of the main strategy is also influenced by extra-linguistic or social arguments. Gender-neutralisation is clearly aimed at ‘taking gender out of the occupational arena’. In other words, the aim is to have a society in which a person’s sex has no relevance or significance for their occupational status. Proponents of the feminisation strategy, on the other hand, argue that it is socially more effective to achieve linguistic equality by showing that there are an increasing number of women in all areas of the paid work force, i.e. women’s participation in the work force needs to be made more visible through the strategy of gender-specification or feminisation. In order to demonstrate successful adoption of feminist linguistic reform in this area of language use, evidence needs to be found that the feminist alternatives are used increasingly in preference to the gender biased forms and that the actual use of the feminist alternatives is in line with their promoted use. In language planning terms , successful feminist linguistic reform entails evidence that the feminist alternatives move from a status of ‘discouraged’ or even ‘disapproved’ use to that of ‘tolerated’, and eventually ‘preferred’ or ‘promoted’ use (Kloss 1968). Findings from Dutch, English, French (see especially Burr in this volume) and German research into the adoption of non-sexist occupational nomenclature confirm that feminist linguistic alternatives are (increasingly) used, although adoption rates vary substantially from language to language and vary according to linguistic context/genre. For the purposes of this paper I will confine the presentation of evidence to that found in relation to the print media (mainly newspapers). English speech communities seem to lead the way in the adoption of feminist linguistic alternatives for occupational terms. Cooper (1984) studied the impact of feminist language planning on the use of masculine generic pronouns and nouns (including occupational nouns) on a corpus of 500000 words taken from American newspapers, current affairs and women’s magazines covering the period 1971 – 1979. He found a dramatic decline in the use of masculine generics, especially of generic ‘man’ and generic ‘he’: their use fell from 12.3% per 5000 words in 1971 to 4.3% in 1979. In New Zealand Meyerhoff (1984) analyzed changes in the use of masculine generics in a corpus of 150000 words taken from five newspapers with a different audience (i.e. a national and a regional daily, a student newspaper, a TV magazine and a women’s magazine as well as a monthly publication of the New Zealand’s journalists’ union). Her study found evidence of a significant reduction in the use of masculine generic nouns and pronouns with the decrease being most pronounced for the student newspaper and the journalists’ union publication. The only publication to support ‘- person’ compounds was the student newspaper. Holmes’ analysis of the occurrence of ‘-person’ vs ‘-man’ and ‘-woman’ compound forms in the Wellington Corpus of Written New Zealand English covering the period 1986 – 1989 found that most such forms occurred very seldom (1 per 1 million words) with the exception ‘spokesperson’ and ‘chairperson’ (Holmes in press). The use of these two forms, however, was considerably lower than that of their masculine generic alternatives: ‘spokesman’ and ‘chairman’. The corpus revealed 6 instances of ‘chairperson(s)’ vs 109 for ‘chairman/men’ and 2 for ‘chairwo man/women’. ‘Spokesperson(s)’ occurred 4 times in the corpus, ‘spokespeople’ once, ‘spokeswoman/women’ twice and ‘spokesman/men’ 36 times. Holmes (in press) did note that the ‘overwhelming majority of the instances of chairman were identifiable as male, a sad reflection of the social reality that it was men who held this position most often, even in 1986’. She found only 4 instances of ‘chairman’ being used to refer to a woman. My own study which comprised a corpus of 200000 words taken from two national Australian newspapers in 1992 and in 1996 similarly found an overall low incidence of -person, -man and -woman compound forms. The number of occurrences of ‘chairman/chairwoman/ chairperson’ revealed the continued predominant use of ‘chairman’, although a breakdown of the numbers according to referents showed that ‘chairman’ was predominantly used to refer to male referents. The few occurrences of ‘chairperson’ and ‘chair’ (see Table 1) do not allow for an interpretation of emerging trends. In the case of ‘chairman’ I would have to agree with Holmes’ comment that its continuing, frequent use reflects the fact that far more men than women continue to occupy this position. It should also be said that newspaper articles are not an ideal source to establish generic uses of this term, as most references to this position specify the incumbent. In the case of ‘spokesman/spokeswoman/spokesperson’ a more substantial change can be noticed: although 38 instances of ‘spokesman’ were recorded, ‘spokesperson’ appeared 32 times. A breakdown in terms of referents showed that 47% of ‘spokesman’ uses referred to a male and that ‘spokesman’ was never used to refer specifically to a female. Most uses of ‘spokesperson’ had no specific referent. There is also some indication that ‘spokesperson’ is being used in connection with male as well as female referents, hence avoiding the trend that the ‘-person’ compound is used as a mere substitution for the ‘-woman’ compound form.